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• 游艇 - yóutǐng

How to say "yacht" in Chinese?

What is the Chinese word for yacht ? Learn the Chinese translation for "yacht" with Tobo English-Chinese Picture Dictionary. What does 游艇 mean? Meaning of 游艇 is yacht in English.

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What is the translation of "yacht" in Chinese?

"yacht" in chinese.

• volume_up 驾快艇

yacht {noun}

• volume_up 游艇

racing yacht {noun}

• volume_up 赛艇

Translations

Yacht [ yachted|yachted ] {verb}, monolingual examples, english how to use "yacht" in a sentence.

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• warning Request revision

English How to use "racing yacht" in a sentence

Synonyms (english) for "yacht":.

• racing yacht

pronunciation

• xiphocostal angle
• xiphoid process
• y-coordinate
• ya (young adult)

Do you want to translate into other languages? Have a look at our Indonesian-English dictionary .

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Yacht in Different Languages. Learn How to Say and Translate

Yacht in Different Languages: Please find below many ways to say yacht in different languages. This page features translation of the word "yacht" to over 100 other languages. We also invite you to listen to audio pronunciation in more than 40 languages, so you could learn how to pronounce yacht and how to read it.

Saying Yacht in European Languages

Saying yacht in asian languages, saying yacht in middle-eastern languages, saying yacht in african languages, saying yacht in austronesian languages, saying yacht in other foreign languages.

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Chinese English Pinyin Dictionary

• 舺 xiá boat Taiwan pr. [jia3]
• 航 háng boat ship craft to navigate to sail to fly

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• 船 只 Trad. 船 隻 chuán zhī ship boat vessel Show Strokes
• 小 船 xiǎo chuán boat Show Strokes
• 龙 舟 Trad. 龍 舟 lóng zhōu dragon boat imperial boat
• 划 船 huá chuán to row a boat rowing boat rowing (sport) Show Strokes
• 甲 板 jiǎ bǎn deck (of a boat etc)
• 棹 Trad. 櫂 zhào oar (archaic) scull paddle to row a boat
• 舫 fǎng 2 boats lashed together large boat
• 风 帆 Trad. 風 帆 fēng fān sail sailing boat
• 扁 piān small boat
• 同 舟 共 济 Trad. 同 舟 共 濟 tóng zhōu gòng jì cross a river in the same boat (idiom); fig. having common interests obliged to collaborate towards common goals Show Strokes
• 乘 务 员 Trad. 乘 務 員 chéng wù yuán attendant on an airplane, train, boat etc
• 水 涨 船 高 Trad. 水 漲 船 高 shuǐ zhǎng chuán gāo the tide rises, the boat floats (idiom); fig. to change with the overall trend to develop according to the situation
• 风 雨 同 舟 Trad. 風 雨 同 舟 fēng yǔ tóng zhōu lit. in the same boat under wind and rain (idiom); fig. to stick together in hard times
• 划 艇 huá tǐng rowing boat racing row-boat
• 沉 船 chén chuán shipwreck sunken boat sinking ship
• 赛 艇 Trad. 賽 艇 sài tǐng boat race racing ship or boat rowing (sport)
• 靠 岸 kào àn (of a boat) to reach the shore to pull toward shore close to shore landfall
• 扁 舟 piān zhōu small boat skiff
• 汨 罗 Trad. 汨 羅 Mì luó Miluo city in Hunan Miluo river in Hunan, famous for Dragon Boat festival
• 龙 船 Trad. 龍 船 lóng chuán dragon boat (used at 端午[Duan1 wu3], the Dragon Boat Festival)
• 橹 Trad. 櫓 lǔ scull (single oar worked from side to side over the stern of a boat) (free word)
• 香 包 xiāng bāo a small bag full of fragrance used on Dragon boat Festival Show Strokes
• 渡 轮 Trad. 渡 輪 dù lún ferry boat
• 木 船 mù chuán wooden boat Show Strokes
• 舳 zhú poopdeck stern of boat
• 汽 艇 qì tǐng motor boat
• 逆 水 行 舟 nì shuǐ xíng zhōu lit. a boat going against the current (idiom); fig. you must work harder
• 顺 水 推 舟 Trad. 順 水 推 舟 shùn shuǐ tuī zhōu lit. to push the boat with the current fig. to take advantage of the situation for one's own benefit
• 难 兄 难 弟 Trad. 難 兄 難 弟 nàn xiōng nàn dì brothers in hardship (idiom) fellow sufferers in the same boat Show Strokes
• 巡 逻 艇 Trad. 巡 邏 艇 xún luó tǐng patrol boat
• 船 工 chuán gōng boatman boat builder Show Strokes
• 船 家 chuán jiā person who lives and makes a living on a boat boatman boat dweller Show Strokes
• 鱼 船 Trad. 魚 船 yú chuán fishing boat same as 漁船|渔船 Show Strokes
• 飞 舟 Trad. 飛 舟 fēi zhōu fast boat Show Strokes

Browse Dictionary

• 舒庆春 | ShuQingchun | Shu Qing chun
• 舒气 | shuqi | shu qi
• 舒舒服服 | shushufufu | shu shu fu fu
• 舓 | shi | shi
• 舔屁股 | tianpigu | tian pi gu
• 馆 | guan | guan
• 舞动 | wudong | wu dong
• 舞场 | wuchang | wu chang
• 舞娘 | wuniang | wu niang
• 舞水端里 | Wushuiduanli | Wu shui duan li
• 舟山群岛 | ZhoushanQundao | Zhou shan Qun dao
• 船 | chuan | chuan
• 航厦 | hangsha | hang sha
• 航空邮简 | hangkongyoujian | hang kong you jian
• 航舰 | hangjian | hang jian
• 舭 | bi | bi
• 船到桥门自会直 | chuandaoqiaomenzihuizhi | chuan dao qiao men zi hui zhi
• 船到江心，补漏迟 | chuandaojiangxin,bulouchi | chuan dao jiang xin , bu lou chi
• 船到码头，车到站 | chuandaomatou,chedaozhan | chuan dao ma tou , che dao zhan
• 船尾座 | Chuanweizuo | Chuan wei zuo
• 船帆座 | Chuanfanzuo | Chuan fan zuo
• 船底座 | Chuandizuo | Chuan di zuo
• 船政大臣 | ChuanzhengDachen | Chuan zheng Da chen

What is the Cantonese Chinese word for "Yacht"?

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Radicals in this Character

• 舟 zhōu boat
• 儿 ér son
• 口 kǒu mouth

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How to use 船 in a sentence.

A missile hit the ship.

I could see the fishing boat to starboard.

The ship sank off the south coast of the island.

One of the fishing boats sank down astern of us.

The sunken sailing-boat was a glimmer of white on the bottom.

The boat instantly tilted, filled and sank.

The ship went under, taking with her all her crew.

He detected a ship moving down the starboard side of the submarine.

The typhoon sank a ferry, drowning over 200 people.

'Right you were , Cap'n Smollett ,'replied Silver.'Dooty is dooty, to be sure.

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Yacht in Chinese

Do you know Yacht in Chinese? How to use Yacht in Chinese and how to say Yacht in Chinese? How to write Yacht in Chinese ? Now let's learn how to say Yacht in Chinese language.

Yacht translate to Chinese meanings: 游艇 . In other words, 游艇 in Chinese is Yacht in English. Click to pronunce

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How to use Yacht in Chinese?

How to say yacht in chinese, how to write yacht in chinese, why we should learn chinese language, alphabet in chinese, about chinese language, chinese language code, conclusion on yacht in chinese.

Meaning of Yacht in Chinese language is: 游艇 .

Other words in Chinese

• Yachted: 乘游艇.
• Yachting: 游艇.
• Yachtman: Yachtman酒店.
• Yachts: 游艇.
• Yachtsman: 游艇.
• Yachtsmen: 游艇.
• What is Yellowbird in Chinese?
• What is Yorkies in Chinese?
• What is Yashmaks in Chinese?
• What is Yate in Chinese?
• What is Yede in Chinese?

Additional definition and meaning of Yacht in Chinese language

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The standard way to write "Yacht" in Chinese is: 游艇

See more about Chinese language in here .

Chinese (simplified Chinese: 汉语; traditional Chinese: 漢語; pinyin: Hànyǔ[b] or also 中文; Zhōngwén,[c] especially for the written language) is a group of language varieties that form the Sinitic branch of the Sino-Tibetan languages, spoken by the ethnic Han Chinese majority and many minority ethnic groups in Greater China. About 1.3 billion people (or approximately 16% of the world's population) speak a variety of Chinese as their first language..

Writing system in Chinese

Chinese characters (Traditional/Simplified)

Chinese Speaking Countries and Territories

Chinese Speaking Countries and Territories: China, Taiwan, Hongkong, Singapore.

Chinese native speakers

Chinese native speakers: 1.2 billion (2004).

Chinese language code is: zh-CN.

Now that you have learned and understood the common ways of saying Yacht in Chinese is "游艇", it's time to learn how to say Yacht in Chinese. This will hopefully give you a little motivation to study Chinese today.

游艇 in Chinese meanings Yacht in English .

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Tiktok ban now ‘inevitable’ after house overwhelmingly passes bill forcing sale.

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The House of Representatives has overwhelmingly passed a bill that will ban TikTok in the United States unless its Chinese owner divests from the company — making final passage into law “inevitable,” insiders say.

The ban was tied to the vote on a $95 billion foreign aid package for Ukraine, Israel and Taiwan, and has gotten comparatively little attention.

The TikTok bill passed by a vote of 360 to 58. The full aid bill has yet to be voted on, but is expected to pass

Roughly 150 million Americans are on TikTok and there have been growing fears among lawmakers about what influence its Chinese Communist owners have on the company.

In recent months TikTok has made headlines for promoting Osama Bin Laden and urging young users to choke each other .

After Hamas’ terrorist massacre in Israel, the company has faced accusations of promoting Hamas propaganda and turning younger Americans toward Islamic terrorism.

“The forced sale of TikTok represents a bipartisan breakthrough against the CCP’s most powerful tool of information warfare against the United States,” Rep. Ritchie Torres (D-Bronx) told The Post. “No longer will Congress stand by idly while the CCP freely weaponizes TikTok to corrupt the minds of young Americans, radicalize Americans against their own country, and amplify antisemitism on a scale and at a pace not seen in human history.”

Following the bill’s passage on Saturday, Tennessee teacher Amber Thomas posted a sob story about the detrimental effects the TikTok ban will have on her students.

“I am a teacher I use TikTok live to fund food and supplies for my students,” the captions in a video read, tagging the Biden campaign account.

“No other social media app can do this,” it read.

“My students have access to fresh food weekly because of our wonderful Tiktok community.”

Wall Street has been buzzing  about who might purchase TikTok in the event of a forced divestment from its Chinese owner ByteDance. Microsoft, Meta, Apple and Oracle have all been floated as possible suitors. Rumble, a scrappy free speech-oriented competitor to YouTube has also been talked about as a possible buyer.

One obstacle is the sheer scale of the purchase. The social media company has been valued in the past as  worth up to $50 billion.

In March the House passed a similar TikTok bill, which moved through the chamber in a broad bipartisan majority . That effort, however, has been stalled in the Democratic Senate, where Majority Leader Chuck Schumer has so far refused to bring the measure of up for a vote. The Senate leader said he would get to the matter eventually.

Schumer has in the past vigorously supported efforts to curtail the influence of TikTok.

“A US company should buy TikTok so everyone can keep using it and your data is safe,” he wrote in an  X post from 2020 . “This is about privacy. With TikTok in China, it’s subject to Chinese Communist Party laws that may require handing over data to their government. A safe way must be found for TikTok to continue.”

With the TikTok ban now buried in the foreign aide package — widely considered urgent, must-pass legislation — the Senate will likely have no choice but to take up the measure. Senate leaders have promised to move the measure swiftly and get it to President Biden for his signature.

“The Ban was inevitable. It was just how we would get there that was up for debate,” said one Senate insider. “TikTok did a horrible job fighting for its corporate life.”

The new TikTok ban will allow the company nine months (extendable to a year by the president) to divest or face a nation-wide ban — meaning its full consequences won’t come into force until after the 2024 presidential election.

The House’s previous TikTok legislation would have only allowed a six month window. Democrats in particular rely on TikTok to mobilize younger voters to the polls.

Other TikTokers also reacted with dismay at the news.

One user, Hundo Grand, railed in a livestream against lawmakers voting to ban TikTok.

The social media follower, who has over 1.2 million followers, griped that legislators banned the app because “the United States doesn’t have its grubby little paws on it.”

“It’s crazy that it’s only TikTok [getting banned]. If you’re going to ban TikTok, get Facebook out of here too… Facebook has done more harm than TikTok,” he griped.

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China’s Christian population appears to have stopped growing after rising rapidly in the 1980s and ’90s

The Chinese government banned religion during the Cultural Revolution of the 1960s and ’70s. And although Christianity and other religions bounced back in the 1980s and ’90s as restrictions were lifted, the size of China’s Christian population now appears to have leveled off, according to a Pew Research Center analysis of the latest available survey data collected by academic organizations in China.

This analysis of China’s Christian population is based on Pew Research Center’s August 2023 report Measuring Religion in China . Since the Center, like other non-Chinese organizations, is not allowed to conduct surveys in China, this post draws on data collected between 2010 and 2021 in the Chinese General Social Survey (CGSS), a nationally representative survey conducted by the National Survey Research Center at Renmin University of China. Most CGSS waves include about 12,000 respondents. Other surveys by academic organizations in China find similar results about the size of China’s Christian population. The report chapter on Christianity has more detail.

This post also discusses Chinese government data on religion, which is primarily released by China’s State Council and the National Religious Affairs Administration – formerly known as the State Administration for Religious Affairs – and data from state-run religious associations, such as the China Christian Council and the Three-Self Patriotic Movement (CCC and TSPM).

This research is part of the Pew-Templeton Global Religious Futures project , which analyzes religious change and its impact on societies around the world.

No survey assessed the Chinese religious landscape in the years immediately following the Cultural Revolution, but government figures suggest that the number of Christians worshipping in registered churches in China more than doubled, from 6 million in 1982 to 14 million in 1997. By comparison, the country’s overall population increased by a more modest 22% during that period.

There was also reported growth in the number of Christians worshipping in “underground” or “house” churches, which are not registered with the state-sanctioned Catholic and Protestant associations (the Catholic Patriotic Association and the Three-Self Patriotic Movement).

Some journalists, scholars and Christian advocacy groups have suggested that Christianity in China continues to grow rapidly in the 21st century and that Christians are on track to make up a majority of the population there by 2050 .

But survey data from the Chinese General Social Survey (CGSS) does not show ongoing growth. Between 2010 and 2018, the share of Chinese adults who formally identify with Christianity remained stable at about 2%, according to the CGSS. Roughly nine-in-ten Christians in China are Protestant.

Some scholars have suggested that the coronavirus pandemic prompted increased religiosity in China . But the most recent wave of the CGSS – conducted in 2021, during the pandemic – provides no hint of a revival of Christian identity. Only 1% of respondents formally identified with Christianity that year.

It’s important to note that the 2021 survey data is not directly comparable to earlier waves because COVID-19 outbreaks in some regions of China made it impossible to achieve the same coverage as in pre-pandemic waves.

Survey-based estimates of China’s Christian population may be conservative

In China, religious identity can be measured through data points from many surveys. But religious identity alone may be a conservative measure of religion’s influence in China.

More Chinese adults share some Christian beliefs than identify with the faith in surveys. In the 2018 China Family Panel Studies survey, for instance, 3% of respondents reported exclusively believing in the Christian God (the survey measured belief in Jesus Christ and in Tianzhu, the Chinese word for God used by Catholics). An additional 4% said they believe in the Christian God and at least one other non-Christian deity.

More broadly, all survey-based estimates of China’s Christian population could be conservative. Some people may choose not to reveal Christian identity because they fear negative social or financial consequences should their identity become known, especially if they belong to an unregistered church.

Christianity in China has faced increased restrictions since Xi Jinping became president in 2013. We cannot be certain how survey patterns are affected by political circumstances . Hypothetically, there could be a real increase in the share of Chinese adults who identify with Christianity that is hidden from survey measurement. This could be the case if respondents are increasingly reluctant to reveal their Christian identity due to the government’s intensifying scrutiny of religious activity .

Why China’s Christian population may be leveling off

Although we can’t be certain how precisely surveys capture the reality of China’s religious landscape, there are several reasons why it’s plausible that the country’s Christian population is plateauing.

Government policies that monitor and discourage religious activity may have prevented some Chinese people from becoming or remaining Christian. An official ban on religious education and activity for children, for example, may be inhibiting the transmission of Christian identity to the next generation. Demographics also pose obstacles to Christian growth in China. The CGSS indicates that Christians are concentrated among older adults and relatively scarce among younger Chinese.

Among remaining Christians, the government’s recent program of absorbing previously unregistered churches into the official system may have removed one reason for people to conceal their Christian identity.

Other estimates of the Christian count in China vary widely

The Chinese government has occasionally published statistics estimating how many people associate with Christianity and other religions. However, it’s often unclear how these estimates were derived and whether they are comparable to earlier government figures. Government statistics also vary in the extent to which they include members of unregistered churches, and it is often unclear whether they include children or not.

In 2010, the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences (CASS) Blue Book on Religion estimated there were 23 million Protestants in China. This government estimate, based for the first time on a nationally representative household survey, included members of the official state-sanctioned Three-Self Patriotic Movement, as well as house church members.

When this estimate was challenged by Christian leaders, CASS fellows Duan Qi and Huang Haibo responded that the survey showed the number of Protestants was at least 23 million, but that because of possible underreporting, the total count could be up to 40 million. The next year’s edition of the Blue Book, in 2011, said the Protestant population was in the 23 million to 40 million range (2% to 3% of Chinese people of all ages).

In 2018, the State Council of the People’s Republic of China White Paper on Religious Freedom reported there were 38 million Protestants, but the paper did not detail how this estimate was made. Around this time, a Peking University study estimated that the total number of adults who either formally identify as Christian, profess Christian beliefs or regularly attend Christian worship services, including Protestants and Catholics, was about 40 million, based on analysis of measures from China Family Panel Studies surveys .

Several Christian organizations claim that the count of Christians in China has continued to grow steadily and that it is much higher than survey data or government statistics indicate . For example, the Center for the Study of Global Christianity estimates that the Christian share of China’s population of adults and children increased from 6% in 2000 to 7% in 2020. And Asia Harvest , a Christian ministry that works to expand the number of churches in Asia, estimates that Christians grew from 8% of the country’s total population in 2010 to 9% in 2020.

Related:  8 key findings about Christians in India and   How many Christians are there in Egypt?

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Chinese translation of 'yacht'

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Biden to Call for Tripling Tariffs on Chinese Steel Products

In a speech to union steelworkers in Pittsburgh, the president will announce several new measures meant to raise new barriers against floods of Chinese imports.

By Jim Tankersley and Nicholas Nehamas

Reporting from Washington and Scranton, Pa.

President Biden on Wednesday will call on his trade representative to more than triple some tariffs on steel and aluminum products from China, as part of a series of moves meant to help cushion American manufacturers from a surge of low-cost imports.

Speaking to the United Steelworkers Union in Pittsburgh, Mr. Biden will ask the U.S. trade representative, Katherine Tai, to increase tariffs to 25 percent on certain Chinese products that currently face tariffs of 7.5 percent — or no tariffs at all — U.S. officials said.

Mr. Biden will also announce a new trade representative investigation into China’s aggressive support for shipbuilders and other related industries, in response to a union complaint. And he will announce new initiatives to work with Mexican officials to block China from evading American steel tariffs by routing its exports through Mexico.

The moves represent an escalating effort by Mr. Biden and his aides to stop a flood of low-cost Chinese exports from undermining made-in-America products — and jeopardizing a central focus of Mr. Biden’s economic agenda.

Those exports, which often enjoy heavy subsidies from Beijing and low-cost labor, propelled the Chinese economy to higher-than-expected growth in the opening months of the year. But they have raised alarms in the United States and other nations that trade heavily with China, with leaders of those countries accusing Chinese officials of flouting international trade law and disrupting their own domestic manufacturing.

“China is simply too big to play by its own rules,” Lael Brainard, who heads Mr. Biden’s National Economic Council, told reporters.

U.S. officials have increasingly complained about China’s manufacturing overcapacity, contending that its subsidies of clean energy products and other factory goods are giving Chinese factories an unfair advantage and distorting global markets.

“With these subsidies, the amount of capacity exceeds global demand and what it’s likely to be even over the next decade,” Treasury Secretary Janet L. Yellen said on Tuesday, in remarks accusing the International Monetary Fund of insufficient focus on the issue.

“When the markets weaken, prices fall and it’s our firms who go out of business, and those that are our allied countries,” she said. “Chinese firms continue to receive support so that they remain.”

The Biden administration has balanced those critiques with diplomatic outreach — and pressure. Ms. Yellen traveled to China last week for several days of meetings with leaders there. On Tuesday, according to news reports, Defense Secretary Lloyd J. Austin III talked with his Chinese counterpart for the first time in more than a year.

Late last week, Mr. Biden convened a White House security summit with the leaders of Japan and the Philippines, which was intended as a show of unity against China’s military actions in the South China Sea.

Countering China has also become a central issue in Mr. Biden’s presidential rematch with former President Donald J. Trump. Both men are pitching tariffs and other trade restrictions to factory workers, labor groups and other key voting blocs in the industrial Midwest.

“When a country just rips us off like China, then what I did is that the tariffs, and the tariffs were forcing companies back to the United States,” Mr. Trump told CNBC in March.

The tariffs Mr. Biden will propose raising on Wednesday were initially imposed by Mr. Trump when he was president. Mr. Biden’s trade representative is conducting a four-year review of those tariffs. U.S. officials have said for months that the review is nearing completion, a position they reaffirmed in a call with reporters on Tuesday.

Mr. Biden’s stop in Pittsburgh is part of a three-day swing through Pennsylvania, a crucial battleground state that he narrowly won in 2020 and has visited more than any other. The president’s campaign is hoping to mobilize support from organized labor, a traditionally Democratic constituency from which Mr. Trump has pulled some support.

On Tuesday, Mr. Biden spoke at the local union of the United Brotherhood of Carpenters and Joiners in Scranton, Pa., his hometown.

He also delivered a flurry of attacks against Mr. Trump during a campaign address on taxes earlier in the day, asserting that the former president was a pawn of billionaires, not a friend of the working class, and citing his roots in Scranton.

“Donald Trump looks at the world differently than you and me,” Mr. Biden said in a speech that signaled his campaign’s intention to make the 2024 election a referendum on Mr. Trump. “He wakes up in the morning at Mar-a-Lago thinking about himself — how he can help his billionaire friends gain power and control, and force their extreme agenda on the rest of us.”

Alan Rappeport and Michael D. Shear contributed reporting.

Jim Tankersley writes about economic policy at the White House and how it affects the country and the world. He has covered the topic for more than a dozen years in Washington, with a focus on the middle class. More about Jim Tankersley

Nicholas Nehamas is a Times political reporter covering the re-election campaign of President Biden. More about Nicholas Nehamas

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Translation of yacht – English–Traditional Chinese dictionary

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• They spent their annual holiday on a chartered yacht in the Caribbean .
• He spent three days adrift on his yacht.
• His eyes were fixed on the distant yacht.
• If they can afford a yacht, they must be rolling in it.
• She sailed around the world single-handed in her yacht.

(Translation of yacht from the Cambridge English-Chinese (Traditional) Dictionary © Cambridge University Press)

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to be involved with many activities or jobs at the same time or to make certain that there are always several possibilities available

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Perspective

Which scientists get mentioned in the news mostly ones with anglo names, says study.

When the media covers scientific research, not all scientists are equally likely to be mentioned. A new study finds scientists with Asian or African names were 15% less likely to be named in a story. shironosov/Getty Images hide caption

When the media covers scientific research, not all scientists are equally likely to be mentioned. A new study finds scientists with Asian or African names were 15% less likely to be named in a story.

When one Chinese national recently petitioned the U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services to become a permanent resident, he thought his chances were pretty good. As an accomplished biologist, he figured that news articles in top media outlets, including The New York Times , covering his research would demonstrate his "extraordinary ability" in the sciences, as called for by the EB-1A visa .

But when the immigration officers rejected his petition, they noted that his name did not appear anywhere in the news articles. News coverage of a paper he co-authored did not directly demonstrate his major contribution to the work.

As this biologist's close friend, I felt bad for him because I knew how much he had dedicated to the project. He even started the idea as one of his Ph.D. dissertation chapters. But as a scientist who studies topics related to scientific innovation , I understand the immigration officers' perspective: Research is increasingly done through teamwork , so it's hard to know individual contributions if a news article reports only the study findings.

This anecdote made me and my colleagues Misha Teplitskiy and David Jurgens curious about what affects journalists' decisions about which researchers to feature in their news stories.

There's a lot at stake for a scientist whose name is or isn't mentioned in journalistic coverage of their work. News media play a key role in disseminating new scientific findings to the public . The coverage of a particular study brings prestige to its research team and their institutions. The depth and quality of coverage then shapes public perception of who is doing good science . In some cases, as my friend's story suggests, the coverage can affect individual careers.

Do scientists' social identities, such as ethnicity or race, play a role in who gets named?

This question is not straightforward to answer. On the one hand, racial bias may exist, given the profound underrepresentation of minorities in U.S. mainstream media . On the other, science journalism is known for its high standard of objective reporting . We decided to investigate this question in a systematic fashion using large-scale observational data.

The least coverage? Chinese and African names

My colleagues and I analyzed 223,587 news stories from 288 U.S. media outlets, sourced from Altmetric.com, a website that monitors online posts about research papers . The news stories, published from 2011-2019, covered 100,486 scientific papers. For each paper, we focused on authors with the highest chance of being mentioned: the first author, last author and other designated corresponding authors. We calculated how often the authors were mentioned in the news articles reporting their research.

We used an algorithm to infer perceived ethnicity from authors' names . We figured that journalists may rely on such cues in the absence of scientists' self-reported information. We considered authors with Anglo names – like John Brown or Emily Taylor – as the majority group and then compared the average mention rates across nine broad ethnic groups.

Our methodology does not distinguish Black from white names because many African Americans have Anglo names, such as Michael Jackson. But since we focus on perceived identity across nine different groups based on names, the study's design is still meaningful.

We found that for the subset of first, last and corresponding authors on research papers, the overall chance of being credited by name in a news story was 40%. Authors with minority ethnicity names, however, were significantly less likely to be mentioned compared with authors with Anglo names. The disparity was most pronounced for authors with East Asian and African names; they were on average mentioned or quoted about 15% less in U.S. science media relative to those with Anglo names.

This association is consistent even after accounting for factors such as geographical location, corresponding author status, authorship position, affiliation rank, author prestige, research topics, journal impact and story length.

And the disparity held across different types of outlets, including publishers of press releases, general interest news and those with content focused on science and technology.

Pragmatic factors and language choices

Our results don't directly imply media bias. So what's going on?

First and foremost, the underrepresentation of scientists with East Asian and African names may be due to pragmatic challenges faced by U.S.-based journalists in interviewing them. Factors like time zone differences for researchers based overseas and actual or perceived English fluency could be at play as a journalist works under deadline to produce the story.

We isolated these factors by focusing on researchers affiliated with American institutions. Among U.S.-based researchers, pragmatic difficulties should be minimized because they're in the same geographic region as the journalists and they're likely to be proficient in English, at least in writing. In addition, these scientists would presumably be equally likely to respond to journalists' interview requests, given that media attention is increasingly valued by U.S. institutions .

Even when we looked just at U.S. institutions, we found significant disparities in mentions and quotations for non-Anglo-named authors, albeit slightly reduced. In particular, East Asian- and African-named authors experience a 4 to 5 percentage-point drop in mention rates compared with their Anglo-named counterparts. This result suggests that while pragmatic considerations can explain some disparities, they don't account for all of them.

We found that journalists were also more likely to substitute institutional affiliations for scientists with African and East Asian names – for instance, writing about "researchers from the University of Michigan." This institution-substitution effect underscores a potential bias in media representation, where scholars with minority ethnicity names may be perceived as less authoritative or deserving of formal recognition.

Why equity matters in the discourse on science

Part of the depth of science news coverage depends on how thoroughly and accurately researchers are portrayed in stories, including whether scientists are mentioned by name and the extent to which their contributions are highlighted via quotes. As science becomes increasingly globalized, with English as its primary language, our study highlights the importance of equitable representation in shaping public discourse and fostering diversity in the scientific community.

We suspect that disparities are even larger at an earlier point in science dissemination, when journalists are selecting which research papers to report. Understanding these disparities is complicated by decades or even centuries of bias ingrained in the whole science production pipeline, including whose research gets funded , who gets to publish in top journals and who is represented in the scientific workforce itself .

Journalists are picking from a later stage of a process that has a number of inequities built in. Thus, addressing disparities in scientists' media representation is only one way to foster inclusivity and equality in science. But it's a step toward sharing scientific knowledge with the public in a more equitable way.

Hao Peng is a postdoctoral fellow at the Kellogg School of Management, Northwestern University.

This story comes from The Conversation, a nonprofit, independent news organization dedicated to unlocking the knowledge of experts for the public good.

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